The same international media organizations that spent decades looking away while Africa’s strongmen consolidated power, while civil wars consumed entire generations, while millions were displaced and countless families buried their children, now suddenly present themselves as the final judges of Ethiopian democracy.
For many Ethiopians like me, especially those of us who have carried our identity from Africa to Israel and America, that selective outrage feels less like journalism and more like a familiar form of paternalism.
I write not only as an Ethiopian-born Israeli-American, but as a member of the ancient Ethiopian Jewish community, one of the oldest Jewish communities in the world. I have lived under different political systems, worked in public service in Ethiopia, Israel, and the United States, and devoted my professional life to conflict resolution and moral diplomacy.
I understand the language of Western democracy, but I also understand the history, culture, and political realities of Africa. That is precisely why I believe much of the Western coverage of Ethiopia today misses the story entirely.
The dominant narrative promoted by major international media outlets from The New York Times to CNN, from the BBC to Sky News, often reduces Ethiopia to a simplistic headline: a troubled country with a flawed election led by a controversial government.
No serious observer would argue that Ethiopia’s elections are perfect. They are not. The country continues to struggle with ethnic tensions, political polarization, violence against civilians, and painful historical divisions that stretch back decades.
Many Ethiopians, myself included, believe there is still much work to be done to strengthen democratic institutions and protect every community. Modern Ethiopia did not emerge from a period of peace and political stability. It emerged from decades of dictatorship, armed struggle, and devastating civil conflict.
Various armed movements, including the Eritrean People Liberation Front (EPLF) and Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), were major groups that shaped the political landscape through years of warfare that inflicted extraordinary suffering upon ordinary people. Entire communities were torn apart. Families lost sons and daughters. Infrastructure was destroyed. Ethnic distrust became deeply embedded in the national psyche.
Yet many of the voices now condemning Ethiopia’s democratic process were remarkably quiet during those years. Across Africa, numerous governments remained in power for decades without meaningful electoral competition. International concern often arrived late, if at all.
Ethiopia’s neighbors themselves illustrate the complexity of the region. Eritrea, born from the victory of the EPLF, remains under a one-party political system with little space for competitive democratic politics.
Somalia has spent decades struggling with state collapse, internal warfare, and the threat of terrorism, preventing the emergence of stable national institutions. Djibouti has been governed by the same political establishment for many years, with limited political turnover.
As a Black African Jew, I cannot help but ask: Why are African democracies so often denied the historical patience that Western democracies granted themselves? No modern democracy was born perfect. The United States fought a civil war and struggled for generations before extending equal rights to all its citizens.
European democracies evolved through conflict, social upheaval, and political compromise. Why should Ethiopia be expected to overcome centuries of political and ethnic complexity in a single generation?
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed inherited one of the most complicated political landscapes in Africa. His administration assumed responsibility for a country fractured by historical grievances, ethnic competition, and institutional weakness.
Reasonable people can disagree with his policies. They can criticize government decisions or demand reforms. That is the essence of democratic discourse.
Beyond politics
Across Ethiopia, major infrastructure projects have transformed cities and improved transportation networks. New investments have sought to modernize public spaces and stimulate economic growth. The government has attempted to hold together a nation of immense diversity under extraordinary pressure.
At the same time, the suffering of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, the Amhara community, and other civilians affected by violence must never be ignored. The loss of innocent life is a human tragedy that transcends politics. The international community should pay attention to these realities. But attention should lead to solutions, not simply accusations.
International media should report on Ethiopia with greater historical depth and cultural understanding. They should recognize that elections are not isolated events but part of a long and difficult process of nation-building.
Western governments and international organizations should move beyond criticism and become genuine partners in strengthening democratic institutions, supporting civil society, promoting reconciliation, and protecting vulnerable populations. They should work with Ethiopia’s existing public institutions and political leadership to encourage peace, equality, and stability rather than simply issuing condemnations from afar.
If the world is genuinely concerned about the safety of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, the Amhara people, and other communities suffering from violence, then it should invest diplomatic energy and humanitarian resources into protecting lives rather than merely producing headlines.
Democracy is not an event that occurs on election day. Democracy is a continuous process of correcting mistakes while preserving hope.
Democracies through history
As someone who has carried the identity of being Ethiopian, Jewish, Israeli, and American, I have learned that nations are not strengthened by outsiders who define them only by their failures.
Ethiopia today faces enormous challenges. No honest observer should deny that. But neither should the world deny the resilience of its people or the determination of its leaders and citizens to build a more stable and prosperous future.
The West should stop asking whether Ethiopia has achieved democratic perfection and start asking a more useful question: How can the international community help one of Africa’s oldest civilizations complete the difficult work of reconciliation, reform, and renewal?
Because history shows that democracies are not built by condemnation alone; they are built by truth, patience, partnership, and the courage to believe that imperfect nations can still move forward.
The author is a former NYC Supreme Court detective, an investigator and educator in conflict resolution and restorative peace, and a moral diplomacy expert. His upcoming book, Moral Diplomacy for a Broken World, is inspired by Rabbi Jonathan Sacks.