Sources close to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are promoting a plan to form a national unity government with Gadi Eisenkot, despite the latter's pledge not to serve under Netanyahu, as coalition negotiations take shape following the election.
The Central Elections Committee is continuing to update the results, and its final report will not be submitted to the president until next week. Netanyahu, the prime minister and Likud chairman, declared in his speech at the Jerusalem International Convention Center: "We must establish a strong national right-wing government."
However, that same night, figures close to Netanyahu began briefing reporters on a different plan: the formation of a unity government headed by Netanyahu, with Eisenkot joining the coalition.
While Netanyahu reiterated his ambition to establish a right-wing government, sources in his circle began explaining why they believe Eisenkot would ultimately be forced to join him, despite his previous commitment not to serve under Netanyahu.
Likud officials argue that Eisenkot has no better alternative. They claim that the change bloc has exhausted its electoral potential, including among Israelis who traveled from abroad specifically to vote. They also believe that the high turnout rates in the Arab sector would be difficult to replicate.
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According to these officials, Israelis living abroad are unlikely to buy expensive plane tickets again to participate in another election just a few months later.
Sources close to Netanyahu claim that "Eisenkot will not survive another round and may even lose his position as head of the bloc."
They conclude that Eisenkot will eventually agree to join a government led by Netanyahu, despite his previous commitments.
However, the briefings present conflicting versions of the proposed arrangement.
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According to one version, Netanyahu could offer Eisenkot the second half of the prime ministerial term under a rotation agreement.
Likud officials say Netanyahu would remain in office until the end of US President Donald Trump's term, "finish the job in Iran," and lead regional peace initiatives before handing over the premiership to Eisenkot after about two years.
According to another version, Netanyahu is unwilling to agree to a rotation and would instead offer Eisenkot a senior ministerial portfolio.
The plan also includes a political incentive: establishing a government initially comprising Eisenkot, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, alongside Netanyahu, without the ultra-Orthodox parties.
According to Likud figures promoting the idea, the haredi parties want to resolve the military conscription issue, but their rabbis fear that public and political responsibility for legislation allowing ultra-Orthodox men to be drafted into the IDF would fall on them.
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Under the proposed framework, the government would first pass the conscription law without the ultra-Orthodox parties participating in the coalition.
The officials believe this would make it possible to advance the legislation without requiring the haredi parties to bear direct responsibility for its passage.
Once the law is approved, the ultra-Orthodox parties could join the government, expanding the coalition.
Netanyahu's associates believe the move could give Eisenkot a significant achievement on the conscription issue and persuade him to join the government.
Nevertheless, those promoting the initiative acknowledge that Eisenkot has given no indication he would be willing to discuss the proposal.
Political figures, including some on the Right, remain skeptical about the plan's feasibility.
They point out that Benny Gantz agreed to a rotation arrangement only after three rounds of elections, against the backdrop of the coronavirus crisis, when public frustration over the political deadlock had grown stronger than opposition to a political partnership.
According to these figures, the mood in the change bloc has shifted. Its voters are more willing to lift the boycott of Arab parties than to agree to a government with Netanyahu and his political partners.
The same sources believe that joining Netanyahu at this stage would cost Eisenkot his political career.
Even possible pressure from President Isaac Herzog, and perhaps from US President Trump, would not necessarily change that calculation.
If an escalation with Iran occurs, they ask, why should Eisenkot not follow the example set by Avigdor Liberman after October 7 and support the government from outside the coalition without formally joining it?
"As long as his voters oppose joining Netanyahu, Eisenkot will not go against their wishes," political sources estimate.
The change bloc categorically rejects the possibility of Eisenkot joining a Netanyahu-led government.
"This would be complete suicide, both morally and politically," sources in the bloc say.
For now, both blocs are awaiting the final election results, which are expected to become clearer toward the end of the week.
If Netanyahu's bloc approaches 60 Knesset seats, his associates believe recruiting defectors from the change bloc could be "a simpler route."
Likud officials even claim that they have already identified several potential candidates who could be persuaded to cross political lines.