At the end of October, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will once again face the Israeli electorate, perhaps for the final time in a political career spanning nearly four decades.
Despite bearing responsibility for the failure of October 7, 2023, many Israelis continue to credit Netanyahu for his conduct in the aftermath of the massacre and his determination to confront the threats that had long hovered over the State of Israel.
Indeed, after nearly three years of the war, Israel’s enemies, from the Iranian regime to Hezbollah and Hamas, have suffered severe blows. The elimination of senior figures such as Khamenei, Nasrallah, Haniyeh, Sinwar, and others is viewed by his supporters as evidence of Netanyahu’s determination to advance Israel’s security objectives despite considerable international pressure.
These security achievements have undoubtedly strengthened Israel’s strategic position, although they have not yet produced the complete victory over Israel’s enemies that Netanyahu repeatedly promised throughout the war.
However, alongside these accomplishments, the past week witnessed an affair that bears the prime minister’s unmistakable signature: the process of selecting the state comptroller.
Although retired Supreme Court justice Yosef Elron, considered one of the leading critics of Supreme Court President Isaac Amit, was a candidate for the position, Netanyahu chose to support his personal attorney, Michael Rabello, who has represented him in numerous proceedings before the High Court of Justice.
Historically, the position of State Comptroller was usually entrusted to senior figures from the judiciary. This was the case with former Supreme Court justices Yaakov Maltz, Miriam Ben-Porat, and Eliezer Goldberg, as well as district court judges Micha Lindenstrauss and Yosef Shapira.
The appointment of Matanyahu Englman, who came from academia rather than the judiciary and previously served as director-general of the Technion and the Council for Higher Education, already represented a departure from this tradition.
Nevertheless, there is a significant difference between appointing a professional figure from outside the legal system and appointing Rabello, a partner in the law office of David Shimron and Yitzhak Molcho, who have accompanied Netanyahu since his first term in office and have been involved in sensitive diplomatic and legal matters.
The potential conflict of interest is therefore difficult to ignore.
Despite what many perceive as a troubling departure from statesmanlike conduct, Netanyahu’s political standing has remained relatively stable. Polls continue to place Likud at 23 seats, compared with 21 for Naftali Bennett and 19 for Gadi Eisenkot.
The affair may generate resentment among many voters in the political center in the short term, but its long-term electoral consequences are likely to be limited. Unlike political-security themes, issues of governmental integrity and public ethics have historically exerted only a limited influence on voting behavior in Israel.
As evidence of this pattern, the Shas Party increased its representation from 10 to 17 seats in the 1999 election shortly after its leader, Arye Deri, was convicted in court.
Similarly, Ariel Sharon led Likud to a dramatic electoral victory of 38 seats in the 2003 election despite the ongoing Cyril Kern affair. Netanyahu himself has repeatedly led Likud to significant electoral achievements despite the criminal proceedings against him.
Lack of statesmanship
Ultimately, the controversy extends beyond the problematic voting process in the Knesset, during which some legislators filmed themselves casting their ballots in an attempt to demonstrate their loyalty to the coalition leadership, creating scenes that appeared more characteristic of authoritarian political systems than of a mature parliamentary democracy.
The fact that Netanyahu’s personal attorney, regardless of his professional qualifications, was seriously considered for the position of State Comptroller and received the prime minister’s support should serve as a warning sign.
Despite the efforts of Netanyahu and his supporters to dismiss concerns raised by opponents of judicial reform, namely that political loyalty could become a decisive criterion in appointments to sensitive institutions, the Rabello affair has strengthened rather than weakened those criticisms.
With great regret, much like the dismissal of Yoav Gallant in March 2023, this episode reflects a profound lack of statesmanship.
The writer is a lecturer and research fellow at the University of South Wales, UK. Author of Collapse: Israeli Labor Party 1992-2024.